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Mukhabarat

Mukhabarat (Arabic: intelligence) is the informal name for Arab state intelligence services, most prominently Egypt's General Intelligence Directorate and Iraq's General Intelligence Service under Saddam Hussein, central to CIA liaison relationships, Safari Club operations, and the BNL/arms-to-Iraq affair.

Mukhabarat (Arabic: مخابرات, from the root khabara, "to know" or "to be informed") is the common informal designation for intelligence and security services in multiple Arab states, literally meaning "intelligence" or "information." The term is used most frequently in English-language sources to refer to Egypt's General Intelligence Directorate and Iraq's General Intelligence Service, though equivalent security agencies in Syria, Jordan, Libya, Sudan, and other Arab states are also commonly called mukhabarat in both Arabic usage and foreign analysis. Because the term refers to different organizations in different national contexts, the following entries address the two agencies most significant to this vault's subjects.

Egypt: General Intelligence Directorate

Egypt's General Intelligence Directorate (GID) - Jihaz al-Mukhabarat al-Amma - is Egypt's primary foreign intelligence service, headquartered in Cairo. Founded under Gamal Abdel Nasser in the 1950s as part of the state security apparatus built with Soviet assistance, the GID became a close CIA liaison partner after President Anwar Sadat's pivot to the United States in the early 1970s.1

Egypt's Safari Club participation from 1976 onward placed the GID within the informal intelligence consortium organized by Alexandre de Marenches and CIA Director George H.W. Bush. During the Safari Club period, Egyptian intelligence provided Soviet-compatible weapons for operations in the Horn of Africa and coordinated intelligence on Soviet-aligned governments in Africa and the Middle East. Egypt's value as a supplier of Soviet-origin equipment - acquired during the Nasser era and stockpiled or transferred as needed - made the GID a significant operational partner for the consortium.2

Under President Hosni Mubarak (1981-2011), the GID was directed for much of this period by Omar Suleiman, who served as intelligence chief from 1993 until Mubarak's overthrow in February 2011. Suleiman became the CIA's primary Egyptian counterpart for the post-September 11 extraordinary rendition program, in which terrorism suspects were transferred to Egyptian custody for interrogation at Egyptian facilities. At least a dozen individuals rendered by the CIA were taken to Egyptian custody under GID oversight; human rights organizations documented torture and extended detention without charge as standard practices at GID facilities. The rendition of Egyptian cleric Abu Omar from Milan in 2003 - conducted by CIA officers with Italian SISMI cooperation - was among the most documented cases; 22 CIA officers were subsequently convicted in absentia by Italian courts.1

Kamal Adham, Saudi Arabia's intelligence chief and Safari Club representative, maintained a relationship with Egyptian intelligence through the shared Bank of Credit and Commerce International network; Egyptian and Saudi intelligence used BCCI as a financial conduit for covert operations funding.3

Iraq: General Intelligence Service

Iraq's General Intelligence Service - Jihaz al-Mukhabarat al-Amma - was established in 1973 and became the primary domestic and foreign intelligence organ of the Ba'ath Party government under Saddam Hussein. Headquartered in Baghdad, the Iraqi Mukhabarat operated alongside the internal security service (Amn al-Khas) and the Republican Guard as a pillar of Saddam's state apparatus.4

The CIA maintained a liaison relationship with Iraqi intelligence from 1963 onward, when the Ba'ath Party first came to power. The relationship deepened substantially during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), when the United States provided Iraq with intelligence, dual-use technology, and diplomatic cover despite knowledge that Iraq was using chemical weapons against Iranian forces. Donald Rumsfeld's December 1983 visit to Baghdad - as Reagan's special envoy - cemented this partnership, and CIA intelligence sharing with the Mukhabarat expanded in subsequent years.4

The BNL scandal - the exposure of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro's Atlanta branch as a conduit for approximately $5 billion in unauthorized loans to Iraq - documented the extent of Western financial and industrial support for Iraqi arms procurement during the 1980s. Iraqi procurement agents, operating through Mukhabarat-connected front companies, used the BNL credit lines to purchase weapons, dual-use technology, and equipment from American and European suppliers. The Arms-to-Iraq investigation by British MP Robin Cook and subsequent parliamentary inquiries examined the parallel British dimension of this arms transfer network.4

The Iraqi Mukhabarat was substantially dismantled following the 2003 U.S. invasion and Saddam Hussein's removal from power; its personnel files and operational networks became subjects of significant intelligence collection by U.S. forces in the immediate post-invasion period.

  1. Mayer, Jane. The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals. Doubleday, 2008, pp. 100-135. Grey, Stephen. Ghost Plane: The True Story of the CIA Torture Program. St. Martin's Press, 2006.
  2. Trento, Joseph. Prelude to Terror: The Rogue CIA and the Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network. Carroll & Graf, 2005, pp. 52-108. De Marenches, Alexandre, and David Andelman. The Fourth World War. Random House, 1992.
  3. Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. December 1992.
  4. Friedman, Alan. Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq. Bantam, 1993. Teicher, Howard. Affidavit. United States v. Carlos Cardoen, S.D. Fla., January 31, 1995 (declassified - documents Reagan-era CIA intelligence sharing with Iraq).

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