InJekt Division

InJekt Division (ID) is a neo-Nazi accelerationist organization founded in February 2021 by Coleman Thomas Blevins of Kerrville, Texas, operating primarily through a public Telegram channel and espousing an ideology its members called "clerical fascism," a blend of accelerationist violence, antisemitism, misogyny, and elements of Islamic extremist framing. Blevins was arrested in May 2021 on state terroristic threat charges shortly after the group emerged, and was sentenced in May 2024 to 60 months in federal prison on a felon-in-possession-of-a-firearm count in the Western District of Texas. The group is documented by the Middlebury Institute CTEC and Tech Against Terrorism as a founding node in the United Acceleration Front, one of two militant accelerationist coalitions that built the organizational bridge between the Feuerkrieg Division (FKD) post-2020 revival and the broader Terrorgram-era network that incubated 764 and The Com.¹

Founding and Ideology

Blevins founded InJekt Division in February 2021 and served as its primary public face under the alias "Korb" (also spelled "Kørbe"). In a February 2021 Telegram post, Blevins described the group's inner circle as led by the "Shock Waffen Twins" (SWT), two members (of whom Blevins was one; the second was not publicly identified by any law enforcement document or named press report) who directed group activity, membership sponsorship, and the group's ideological output. A man using the name Korb was described as the president of InJekt Division during a far-right podcast.²

The group's accelerationist ideology centered on the phrase "pray for rain," used as shorthand for the desired nuclear fallout that would collapse civilization and permit a fascist reconstruction. InJekt Division embraced the label "clerical fascism," a self-coined ideological marker blending national socialist accelerationism with religious and misogynist framing that the group treated as distinct from the occult or Satanist currents within other Terrorgram-affiliated networks. InJekt Division explicitly opposed networks including Order of Nine Angles adherents, Harm Nation, and 764 on the grounds that those groups functioned as fronts for child exploitation; InJekt documented that opposition through doxxing activity targeting individuals it identified as pedophiles within the broader neo-Nazi scene.²³

Geographic Reach

Documented membership was geographically dispersed: Texas (founding base), New Hampshire, Louisiana, Massachusetts, California, and the New York-Pennsylvania-New Jersey tri-state area. The group operated via cell structure with no formal hierarchical coordination outside the SWT inner circle.³

Relationship to FKD and the United Acceleration Front

Feuerkrieg Division reemerged on Telegram in May 2021, in the immediate aftermath of InJekt Division's founding and Blevins's arrest. A co-leader of the revived FKD, identified in the CTEC/TAT report by the alias "Hergle Zelea," used the FKD platform to establish himself as a central figure in the broader Terrorgram community and as the primary organizer of two coalition structures: the United Acceleration Front and the National Socialist Coalition (also described in some sources as the "National Socialist Alliance"). InJekt Division and FKD provided what CTEC described as "established networks and aesthetic machinery" to build the UAF. The partnership was announced publicly on Telegram.⁴

The CTEC and Tech Against Terrorism joint study, which collected data from June 2021 through February 2022, identified 21 distinct entities within the resulting coalition network, all operating through Terrorgram channels. The report noted that the network's apparent strength may have been artificially inflated by domain-record analysis, suggesting the organizing leadership created multiple nominally distinct entities to project a larger footprint.⁴

Additional Telegram-based groups operating in the same UAF coalition network alongside InJekt Division and FKD included Vorherrschaft Division and Totenwaffen. FKD already maintained a "very public alliance" with Vorherrschaft Division prior to the UAF launch, distributing joint propaganda. Totenwaffen, an eco-fascist accelerationist group founded in November 2020 by Lukas Fast (alias "Luthias Fast"), a 17-year-old from Potsdam, Germany, operated in the same coalition space until approximately 2022.⁵

Blevins Arrest and Federal Prosecution

On May 27, 2021, Blevins posted to social media: "I'm going to Walmart," followed by a photograph of himself holding a black AR-15, then the message, "I have no problem spending the rest of my life in prison for Shootings [sic] up Walmart." Kerr County authorities executed a search warrant on May 28, 2021. Officers found 556 rounds of ammunition at Blevins's apartment and an AR-15 with four magazines in a vehicle belonging to his roommate.⁶

The federal case, USA v. Blevins, was filed April 6, 2022, as case number 5:22-cr-00169 in the Western District of Texas. Blevins pleaded guilty on November 28, 2023, to one count of being a felon in possession of a firearm. U.S. District Judge in the Western District sentenced him to 60 months (five years) in federal prison in May 2024.⁷

No other InJekt Division members were publicly charged in connection with the group's Telegram activities as of May 2026. The identity of the second member of the "Shock Waffen Twins" inner circle was not confirmed in any public law enforcement document.

Position in the AWD-to-764 Pipeline

The organizational arc that CTEC documented in the 2022 report runs: AWD (2015-2020), then FKD (2018-2020, revived 2021) plus InJekt Division (2021), then UAF/NSC coalition (2021-2022), then Terrorgram channel infrastructure (2022-2024). The 764 Network and The Com emerged from overlapping recruitment infrastructure during the same 2021-2022 period when the UAF was operational. No court document or law enforcement filing as of May 2026 names a specific individual confirmed as a member of both the UAF/InJekt ecosystem and 764 or The Com. The CTEC report identifies the mechanism of continuity (Telegram channel infrastructure, youth recruitment aesthetics, leaderless accelerationism) but stops short of naming specific personnel bridges.⁴