The [[FDN|Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense]] was the largest, most well-armed, and best-trained of all the [[Contras|Contra]] factions.[^3] Created by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], based in [[Honduras]], and commanded by [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]], a former [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guardsman]]. The FDN's political wing was led by [[Adolfo Calero]], a longtime CIA agent and former manager of the Coca-Cola bottling plant in [[Managua]]. ### Leadership Enrique Bermúdez ("Commandante 380") served as supreme military commander. Adolfo Calero was selected by the CIA in 1983 to lead the political wing and worked closely with [[Oliver North]]. [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]] was head of supplies and logistics, went on the CIA payroll in the early 1980s as an aide to Bermúdez, and allegedly served as the conduit for [[cocaine]] money flowing from the [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug ring in [[California]]. ### Drug Trafficking Connections Multiple FDN officials were implicated in drug trafficking. [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], the FDN spokesman in [[San Francisco]], was one of Norwin Meneses's cocaine dealers and admitted hauling millions in drug profits from San Francisco to [[Los Angeles]] for delivery to the Contras. Peña was present "on many occasions" when Meneses telephoned FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez in Honduras to discuss requests for gun silencers, cross bows, and other military equipment.[^5] [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], the FDN's representative in [[Guatemala]], was identified by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] in November 1982 as a cocaine supplier to the [[Frogman Case|Frogman drug ring]]. Aristides Sánchez allegedly served as the conduit for cocaine money from the Meneses operation and personally received drug cash from [[Carlos Cabezas]] at the Contras' [[Miami]] offices.[^1] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] founded the FDN chapter in Los Angeles and used cocaine sales to fund the Contras.[^1] A secret 1987 [[DEA]] report stated that a defendant in the Frogman Case had made 51 phone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco, and a DEA informant had met with traffickers at the FDN office.[^4] ### Origins and Creation The FDN was officially created in August 1981 when the CIA forced a merger between Bermúdez's [[Legion of September 15]] and [[UDN-FARN]]. The merger was signed in the upstairs rec room of the Legion's rented safe house in [[Guatemala City]], with an Argentine military officer observing. Former FDN director Edgar Chamorro stated in a World Court affidavit that the CIA paid for the meeting, rented the building, and drafted the agreement: "The name of the organization, the members of the political junta and the members of the general staff were all chosen or approved by the CIA." The CIA's role was authorized under National Security Decision Directive #17, signed by [[Ronald Reagan|President Reagan]] in late 1981, which allocated $19.95 million for covert operations against the [[Sandinistas]]. The funds were channeled through the Argentine military to preserve CIA "deniability." The CIA selected Aristides Sánchez — a close friend of Norwin Meneses and brother of Fernando Sánchez ([[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]]'s last ambassador to Guatemala), Troilo Sánchez (Norwin's business partner), and Enrique Sánchez (partner in a Miami restaurant with Donald Barrios) — to assist Bermúdez. Oliver North later called Aristides Sánchez "Calero's hatchet man."[^3] Norwin Meneses stated: "I dealt directly with Bermúdez, and occasionally his assistant on minor things. I also worked with Aristides Sanchez. He was a very good friend of mine." ### Weapons Supply Network [[Ronald Lister]] and [[Pyramid International Security Consultants]] established weapons manufacturing operations in [[El Salvador]] that supplied arms to the Contras. Lister partnered with FDN supporters Danilo Blandón and Norwin Meneses in selling weapons abroad. The FDN could not collect sufficient funds to finalize an arms deal with Lister, but Lister and his associates set up a weapons plant in downtown [[San Salvador]] that manufactured guns airlifted to Contra camps in Honduras.[^5] Air cargo company [[Hondu Carib Cargo]], operated by Mario Calero — brother of FDN political leader Adolfo Calero — flew FDN supply missions. The owner of Hondu Carib was pilot [[Frank Moss]], identified in a 1989 Senate report as having been investigated for narcotics offenses by ten different law enforcement agencies. A DC-4 Moss used was seized by the DEA in 1987 with marijuana residue and notes containing the names of two CIA officers and the phone number of [[Robert Owen]], Oliver North's courier.[^5] ### Later Reorganization The FDN later joined the umbrella group [[UNO]] (United Nicaraguan Opposition), a CIA-inspired attempt to unite all Contra factions. The FDN retained most of the authority and did the bulk of the fighting.[^2] ### Low Point of 1984–85 During the winter of 1984–85, the FDN reached its lowest ebb on the battlefield and in public opinion. After twelve months of consecutive public relations disasters—the CIA's harbor mining, the assassination manual scandal, the passage of the [[Boland Amendment]] in October 1984—the FDN was alone and in disarray. Thousands of rebel fighters retreated from Nicaragua to Honduras. Money and weapons were scarce. In early 1985, allegations of Contra battlefield atrocities—murders, tortures, assassinations, and "the deliberate use of terror"—surfaced from human rights groups, undermining President Reagan's characterization of them as "freedom fighters."[[Robert McFarlane]], Reagan's national security adviser, told FDN leader Adolfo Calero in January 1985 that it might be time to start thinking about "cutting both our losses and theirs."[^6] ### Footnotes [^1]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Cast of Characters [^2]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Glossary of Organizations and Locations [^3]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Chapter 4: "I never sent cash" [^4]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Chapter 5: "God, Fatherland and Freedom" [^5]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty" [^6]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance*, Chapter 10: "Teach a man a craft and he's liable to practice it"